TRAVELLERS OF THE WORLD REVOLUTION : A GLOBAL HISTORY OF THE COMMUNIST
INTERNATIONAL
By Brigitte Studer
Verso. 476 pages. £30. ISBN 978-1-83976-801-9
Reviewed by Jim Burns
The Communist International (Comintern) was established in 1919, and
dissolved on Stalin’s orders in 1943. It was, in the words of Brigitte
Studer, “a historically unique political experiment in seeking to apply
rational analysis and sophisticated and complex organisation to the
conception, preparation and execution of a global revolution”. In simple
terms the idea was to send dedicated communists across the world to spread
the message, make contact with local Party members and others, and to
assist, where necessary, in promoting revolutionary activities of various
kinds. The degree of commitment required to give up a safe and comfortable
way of life, and often put oneself in danger, was substantial, and, as
Studer says : “From the distance of our own individualistic present, such
total engagement belongs to another world”.
The people needed to carry out the Comintern programme were
“professional revolutionaries with a solid theoretical background and good
practical skills”.
The Comintern “was founded as a fighting organisation, an entrepreneur of
revolution, but rapidly grew into a bureaucratic institution called by its
own actors the apparat”.
And, as Studer says, “a bureaucracy
develops with time a distinctive logic of its own, in which
self-preservation can come to take precedence over its original goals”.
Agents were increasingly required to account for their activities and
expenditures “to a bureaucracy whose own business was to supervise and
control these things”. Anyone who has worked within a system where a static
bureaucracy watches over a mobile workforce will, leaving aside any
political aspects, have an awareness of the tensions likely to exist in this
sort of situation.
On the whole it isn’t Studer’s intention to analyse the differences between
those Comintern employees based permanently in Moscow and those operating in
the wider world. She is more concerned to look at the individual lives of
some of the agents, both men and women, who carried out the basic intentions
of the Comintern. She provides useful information regarding the numbers
involved, though making it clear that “the database is not entirely
complete”. And she says that “The Comintern workforce was numerous and
varied, much more diverse than had been realised until recently”. From the
database she quotes a figure of “28,689 persons. Of whom 4,416 – around 16
per cent – were women”. Not all of
them were necessarily full-time Comintern employees, and Studer particularly
refers to “artists, writers, filmmakers and photographers” who might have
“occasionally” worked for the Comintern and been financially supported by
it. They presumably produced work in line with, or perhaps sympathetic
towards, communist aims and policies. Fellow-travellers had their uses
alongside Party members.
The ideological background to the functioning of the Comintern can be
fascinating, and without spending too much time delving into it, there is a
case for at least pointing to such questions as whether or not to co-operate
with social-democratic trade unions and participate in parliamentary work.
Such matters could be seen as important when agents were functioning in
countries where strong traditions of both were in place. Some hard-line
communists opposed any sort of co-operation with social democrats and the
parliamentary system. The German Communist Party (KPD), for example, took
such a line. But Lenin, in his Left
Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder
had spoken against “what he took to be the politically immature radicalism
that failed to recognise realities in its desire to skip the necessary
intermediate stages on the path to the conquest of power”. It may be worth
adding at this point that Comintern agents operating outside Russia were
sometimes at loggerheads with the bureaucrats in Moscow because the latter
failed to take account of local conditions when laying down a line to
follow.
Berlin was a place where, until 1933 and Hitler’s accession to power,
numerous Comintern agents were operating. Among them was Willi Munzenberg, a
man of many talents and possibly one of the most influential people
connected with the Comintern. I use the word “connected” rather than
“employed” because his relationship with the organisation was curious.
Studer says that “someone like the German cultural-entrepreneur Willi
Munzenberg could work on behalf of the Comintern, which provided him with
financial support”. His “media consortium” covered film production, a book
club, and mass magazines. As Studer puts it, he “succeeded in combining the
new artistic forms of the age with agitation and propaganda on behalf of the
Comintern”. His partner, Babette Gross also worked for the Comintern. Both
had to leave Germany hurriedly when the Nazis took over, and she survived,
despite internment for a time in France, and then moved to Mexico.
Munzenberg was also interned in France, but before that had re-established
himself as a publisher in Paris, bringing out books to alert people to the
threat of Fascism. Studer quotes the writer Manès
Sperber, another working for the Comintern, as recalling, “In a tiny
blind alley that most pedestrians on the boulevard Montparnasse did not even
notice, and in a little house that a builder with a taste for parody
improvised just for fun, Willi and his people almost effortlessly wove the
threads with which they mobilised the free world”. One of his key
productions was The Brown Book of the
Hitler Terror and the Burning of the Reichstag, largely compiled by a
team including Arthur Koestler, Gustav Regler, Otto Katz, and Sperber.
All of them were, at that time, dedicated communists and active for
the Comintern. Katz, a Stalinist, was reputed to have been somehow involved
in Trotsky’s death. He returned to Prague in 1946 to “help build socialism”
but was caught up in the Slansky trial. Branded a “Trotskyite-Titoite
Zionist” he was sentenced to death and executed in 1952. Katz had a touch of
the bohemian about him, spoke several languages fluently (including English,
French, German, Czech, and Russian) and mixed easily with Bertolt Brecht and
Marlene Dietrich in Berlin, with writers in New York, and with actors and
directors in Hollywood.
Despite all the work that Munzenberg had done to further the cause of
communism he had ideological differences with the bureaucrats in Moscow and
in 1936 “was relieved of all his functions by the Comintern”. He continued
his anti-Fascist activities independently by organising aid for the Spanish
Republic when the civil war broke out in that country.
Like Babette Gross he was, as noted earlier, interned when war was
declared in 1939, but escaped and was making his way to the Swiss frontier
when he was killed. The circumstances surrounding his death were never
explained fully, but it seems to be generally accepted that he was most
likely murdered by members of the NKVD, the Russian secret service. His name
was no doubt on a list of those deemed to be Trotskyists or any other sort
of anti-Stalinists and so a target for assassination.
The Spanish Civil War was, in Studer’s words, the Comintern’s “last big
mission”. It can also be seen, in the words of another historian, Stanley
Weintraub, as “the last great cause”. There are still debates and
disagreements about the role of the Communist Party in Spain and whether or
not its activities there had helped or hindered the Republican government in
its war effort. Russia certainly provided military aid, and was the only
country, apart from on a small scale by Mexico, willing to do so. But with
that aid came Soviet “advisers” and the NKVD and its agents. The government
came under communist influence and was persuaded to eliminate the opposition
in Loyalist circles that came from the anarcho-syndicalist FAI-CNT and the
independent Marxist POUM. Some people might suggest that the Spanish
government didn’t need a lot of persuasion to move against these
organisations, seeing their militias as lacking discipline and holding back
the efficient functioning of a regular army.
Among the communists in Spain was the photographer Tina Modotti, the
companion of Vittorio Vidali who was later arrested by Mexican police in
connection with the death of Trotsky, though no charges were ever brought
against him. But Studer suggests that he may have been an NKVD agent. He was
certainly active with the Comintern. Both Modotti and Vidali were Italians,
but their left-wing politics made it impossible for them to live in their
home country. They may have been lucky in that they went back to Mexico when
the Spanish Republic collapsed in 1939. Had they gone to Russia they may
well have been purged along with others like them. Modotti died of a heart
attack in 1942 but Vidali survived until 1983. He had returned to his home
town of Trieste in 1947 and when it reunified with Italy in 1954 he pursued
a successful career as a Communist Party politician.
I’ve been moving around a few of the individuals whose lives are documented
by Studer, and have out of necessity selected only a handful to mention. But
I feel that I ought to devote a little space to Manabendra Nath Roy, “born
the son of a Brahmin in Arbelia, not far from Calcutta,” and his wife,
Evelyn Trent. Roy was a “radical anticolonial activist who had discovered
Marxism and Communism in his quest for weapons in the struggle for Indian
independence”. Real weapons, in the form of guns, almost came into use in
1920/21 when plans were laid to start an insurrection in the Punjab province
of British India. According to Studer, “the Soviet government and the
Comintern agreed to the scheme – on Trotsky’s orders 25,000 guns were sent
to Turkestan for the use of Indian insurgents”.
The planned invasion of India never got off the ground. The notion that a
relatively small group of badly-armed and poorly-trained would-be
revolutionaries might be able to defeat the professional soldiers the
British could put in the field was an illusion. But, Studer points out,
there was another reason behind the decision to cancel it. The Soviet
government wanted to “normalise relations with London”, and in order to
“secure a trade deal with Great Britain in March 1921, the Soviets had to
agree to the cessation of Comintern activity against British India and the
dissolution of the Tashkent Bureau – a volte face that local actors said
dealt a fatal blow to their work”. Roy returned to India in 1930 and was
arrested in 1931. He was charged with “Conspiring to deprive the King
Emperor of his sovereignty in India”, and denied a trial by jury. He was not
allowed to call defence witnesses, nor make a defence statement. He was
initially sentenced to twelve years imprisonment which was reduced to six on
appeal, and he served five years and four months. When released he was in
poor health but he continued his political activities, though not of the
communist variety. He died in 1954.
The Comintern also extended its activities into China, and its agents
established contacts with local communist parties. Studer names Shanghai as
“the Comintern centre of communications and coordination in the Far East,
where all information on revolutionary activity in the region was
centralised”. At that time “foreign concessions” meant that there were
British, French and other areas where a mixture of foreigners and Chinese
citizens lived: “Over 36,000 foreigners and nearly a million Chinese lived
In the International Settlement, the British-dominated foreign enclave,
while over 12,000 foreigners and almost half a million Chinese lived in the
French concession”
Some interesting names crop up in connection with the Comintern in Shanghai.
Studer says that a German communist, Ursula Kuczynski (she re-appears later
using the name, Ruth Werner) was there, and so was the Englishman, George
Hardy. He had joined the IWW (Industrial Workers of the World) in America,
but in 1921 switched to the Communist Party and worked for the Comintern.
Operating in China on behalf of the Communist Party was not easy. British
Intelligence operatives kept a close watch on foreign communists, and in
1927 Chinese communists came under attack from Nationalist forces led by
Chiang Kai-shek during what was called the “Shanghai Massacre”, when
thousands were killed. Another name worth noting in relation to China is
that of Agnes Smedley. She was an American writer with left-wing sympathies
and a life-long involvement in China. She wrote numerous books and articles
about its problems. One of her books,
China Fights Back : An American Woman with the Eighth Route Army,
published by the Left Book Club in 1938, is on my desk as I write this
review.
It’s reasonable to ask what all the commitment and sacrifices added up to in
the end? And it could be that a
degree of disillusionment had started to spread among some of those working
for the Comintern. Studer says that, in Spain, “Around a hundred Comintern
officials died on the battlefields or in the Francoist repression that
followed. Many of those who survived lost their belief in the Communist
cause, while many of those who returned to the Soviet Union would fall
victim to Stalin’s purges”. She also states that of the 320 or so Comintern
employees named in her book, “nearly a third died a violent death”.
Studer provides some notes on a handful of Comintern agents who survived,
including Ursula Kucynski who, as Ruth Werner had, on Comintern orders,
married an Englishman, Len Beurton, who had fought in Spain. Both had been
active in Switzerland with the Rote Drei (Red Three) spy ring. They moved to
Britain in 1940 where she “sent the Soviet Union important information on
the construction of the atom bomb. In January 1950, when her informant – the
nuclear physicist Klaus Fuchs – was exposed, she fled to the GDR, to settle
in East Berlin, where she worked for different government departments before
embarking, in 1954, on a career as a novelist and children’s writer. She
died on 7 July 2000”.
Of other survivors the case of Margaret Buber-Neumann might be illustrative
of what working for the Comintern could lead to. Together with her husband,
Heinz Neumann, she was deported from Switzerland to Russia in 1935. He was
arrested and shot in 1937, and she was arrested in 1938 and accused of
“counter-revolutionary organisation and agitation against the Soviet state”.
She was sent to a labour camp and, in 1940, was handed over to the Gestapo,
along with other German communists, when the German-Soviet Pact was agreed.
She was imprisoned in the Ravensbruck concentration camp, and was there
until it was liberated by Russian forces in 1945. She then made her way to
Hanover which came under British control at the end of the war. Not
surprisingly, she became an active anti-communist and joined the Congress
for Cultural Freedom where she met writers like Arthur Koestler and Raymond
Aron. She died in 1989, just a few days before the fall of the Berlin Wall.
Travellers of the World Revolution
is a book so packed with
information and raising so many questions about the Comintern, and those who
worked for it, that it will surely stand as a key work on the subject.
Whatever one may feel about Communism it’s impossible not to be fascinated
and often moved by the dedication of people who genuinely thought they could
make a better world. They were often
in the end betrayed by a bureaucratised system that had no place for anyone
who might show a degree of independence. Nor could it tolerate those whose
experiences might have inclined
them to think that there could be more than one way to make a revolution.
But none of that should prevent us from thinking about the “total
engagement” that, as Brigitte Studer says, “belongs to another world”.
,