LABOUR REVOLT IN BRITAIN 1910-14
By Ralph Darlington
Pluto Press. 326 pages. £19.99. ISBN 978-0-7453-3903-0
Reviewed by Jim Burns
Just before I sat down to write this review I read an item in the
Morning Star which
pointed to a decline in union membership: “Despite last year seeing
the biggest strike wave to sweep Britain in decades, total union
membership – which stood at 13.2 million in 1979 - is estimated to
have fallen by 200,000 to 6.7m last year”.
At first glance there appears to be something odd going on. There
are fewer trade unionists and yet we are in the throes of a major
strike wave. This might suggest that some strikes are spontaneous
events involving non-union activists. That isn’t the case. True,
there are strikes called by newly-established unions, such as
Independent Workers Union of Great Britain (IWGB) and United Voices
of the World (UVW) which are attempting to organise workers usually
neglected by established unions, but they’re small-scale affairs
involving only a limited number of strikers. I’m not being
dismissive of these unions. I admire them for what they’re trying to
do in terms of organising among groups too often seen as “not worth
the trouble” by trade unionists who think in terms of large
memberships and mass actions.
The fact is that the current strike wave is largely occurring within
areas of public service employment which are still labour-intensive
- the NHS, Royal Mail, education, local government, the railways,
elements of the civil service. And the nature of the strikers has
changed. Gone are the dockers, miners, steel workers , cotton
workers, with their traditions of solidarity and industrial
struggle. It’s doubtful if many of today’s strikers could hold out
over a protracted period of strike action, not because they lack the
fighting spirit to do so, but simply because their social and
economic circumstances have changed and they have more to lose if
they don’t have a regular income.
There are more reasons than that, of course, but just as strikes
often revolve around basic issues of lower hours, higher pay,
working conditions, so their resolution will often depend on how
much participants are prepared to sacrifice in order to
win. I think it’s almost impossible to make other than
general comparisons with what happened over a hundred years ago in
the industrialised nations of Europe and America. It does interest
me that what I read about the situation in India today, for example,
might suggest a similarity to pre-1914 Britain.
Poor working conditions in badly-built factories, bullying
and vindictive foremen and supervisors, low pay, child workers,
hostility towards union organisers, confrontations with police
during strikes which lead to deaths. It sounds all too familiar.
Strikers in the period covered by Ralph Darlington’s fascinating and
stimulating book rarely had a lot to lose when it came to what they
owned. Poverty was widespread, with malnutrition, sub-standard
housing, irregular employment, and poor health affecting millions.
And there were few welfare provisions available. Let me quote
Darlington on the situation: “In 1910 just 10 percent of the
population owned 92 percent of total wealth, making Britain perhaps
more unequal than ever before (or since) and more unequal than most
European countries. The ostentatious display of the wealth and
luxury consumptions of the upper and middle classes, such as dining
out, motoring, holidays, and other forms of conspicuous expenditure,
were widely reported on by the popular press and cinema and
exacerbated workers’ resentment”.
It might be relevant to refer to the opening lines of the
syndicalist Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) Preamble: “The
working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There
can be no peace as long as hunger and want are found among millions
of working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have
all the good things in life”. I have to admit that, each time I pass
the Free Trade Hall in Manchester I think of the night in November
1913 when William “Big Bill” Haywood, head of the IWW, addressed an
audience of 4,000,”with upwards of 20,000 thronging the streets
outside”, along with Jim Larkin, James Connolly, both from the Irish
Transport and General Workers’ Union, and Ben Tillett, all of them
with leanings towards the syndicalist or “one big union” approach to
union activity. They were there as part of the so-called “Fiery
Cross” campaign to raise support for Dublin workers who had been
locked out by their employers. Read
James Plunkett’s fine, panoramic novel,
Strumpet City, for a
vivid portrait of the period.
In addition, the British economy was slowing down in comparison with
Germany and the United States. There was “a huge reduction in
Britain’s share of the world’s industrial market”. Profit margins
were squeezed and “spurred numerous employers to attempt to reduce
labour costs”. A glance at the reasons for many of the strikes that
took place between 1910 and 1914 will, I think, show that they
frequently started because workers fought back against wage cuts
and/or the imposition of longer hours. Some strikes occurred because
poorly-paid workers were struggling to cope with a broad “cost of
living crisis”. They simply couldn’t live on what they were paid.
Among the numerous examples of strikes that Darlington examines, the
West Midlands Metal Workers strike between April and July 1913 has
several intriguing aspects that deserve attention. The industry
employed significant numbers of women, none of whom were union
members when the strike began.
The Amalgamated Society of Engineers (ASE) which spoke for skilled
male workers, denied membership to women. There was the small
Workers’ Union (WU), which had been founded “for the express purpose
of organising traditionally neglected groups of unskilled,
semi-skilled and women workers”. Julia Varley was a leading light in
the WU and active in the strike which soon spread across a variety
of factories and workshops in the Midlands. There is a photo of
Varley with the strike committee from two establishments and it’s
noticeable that both men and women are equally represented. The
strike was eventually settled through the system of arbitration and
conciliation boards set up by the Liberal Government, and which was
generally approved of by traditional union chiefs. Some activists
opposed referral to the boards and advocated direct action as the
best way to win strikes. Darlington mentions “attacks on factories
worked by ‘blackleg’ labour and upon mass police concentrations
brought in to defend them”. And he adds: “Widespread sabotage took
place in the factories with ‘shaft-belts cut’ and ‘machinery
damaged’”.
It has to be said that the strike wave in the period concerned did
involve a fair amount of violence, not all of it instigated by
strikers. The police appear to have been particularly prone to
wading in heavily and using their batons. And troops were called out
on more than one occasion. Two railwaymen were shot and killed in
Llanelli, two rioters shot dead in Liverpool when they tried to
rescue men on their way to prison. They had been convicted after
being arrested at a demonstration in August 1911. A caption beneath
a photo in the book says; “The 80,000 strong demonstration at St
George’s Plateau in Liverpool on Sunday 13 August 1911 which was
attacked by Police, and followed by a city wide general transport
strike”. It’s sometimes hard, when reading other accounts of police
actions, not to think that they, and the authorities generally, were
nervous when they saw a large crowd assembling and took the view
that aggressive action was almost immediately necessary to force
people to disperse.
Were there specific reasons for the widespread resort to violence in
many of the strikes that
Darlington looks at? There hadn’t been excessive levels of it
in earlier strikes. In the period of the “New Unionism” around
1889/90, famous in labour history for the Great Dock Strike and the
Match Girls’ Strike, there had been mass meetings and marches but
mostly without major incidents. Was it true, as some believed, that
syndicalists were spreading the gospel of direct action and
encouraging strikers to be aggressive?
Is it likely that more than a handful of strikers would be
interested in syndicalist theories about the purpose of unions to
eventually combine into one big union which would then take over the
means of production? There may well have been doubts about full-time
union officials and their alleged comfortable relations with
employers. And established politics may have been looked on with
suspicion.
According to Darlington, in 1911 four out of 10 men were debarred
from the electoral register.
And all women were denied the vote, and many of them resorted
to direct action to draw attention to their cause. Did all this add
fuel to the fire and incline the strikers to believe that Parliament
could never truly represent their interests, and mass action,
including violence if necessary, was acceptable in the
circumstances? Ben Tillett said: “Parliament is a farce and a sham,
the rich man’s Duma, the employer’s Tammany, the Thieves’ Kitchen
and the working man’s despot….in the 1912 strikes we had to fight
Parliament, the forces of the Crown, the judges of the law”. There
may be some irony in the fact that Tillett later became a Labour MP.
But let me point out that not every strike involved street fights
between strikers and police, or the presence of troops with fixed
bayonets to keep unruly crowds under control. In August 1911 “some
15,000 unskilled women and girls in different local food processing,
glue and box making factories in Bermondsey, London, walked out”.
They weren’t organised and no syndicalist agitators had been among
them. They were just tired of being underpaid and badly treated. It
started “when a group of women from a large confectionary factory
suddenly left work and marched down the street”.
As they passed other factories they called on the women to
join them. They contacted the National Federation of Women Workers
(NFWW) for assistance and eventually won improvements in their pay
and conditions. Many of them joined the NFWW. A newspaper report
about a demonstration by the women referred to them having “put on
their ‘Sunday best’. In spite of the great heat, hundreds of them
wore their boas and tippets – the sign of self-respect”. I’m
reminded of the mill girls of Lawrence, Massachusetts, in 1912
during the IWW-led strike there, carrying a banner with the
wonderful slogan that read, “We want bread and roses too”.
Darlington seems to have a liking for the syndicalists, and that’s
not necessarily bad, though I doubt that they ever made much headway
in the British labour movement. He refers at one point to a lack of
interest in theory among British activists, and it’s true. And
that’s not necessarily bad, either.
There was an American poet who, during a discussion,
remarked that the Anglo-Saxon ignorance of theory had its good side
in that, unlike other nations, we don’t get bogged down in all those
“isms” – communism, fascism, surrealism, syndicalism. I think he was
perhaps exaggerating a little to make a point, but there is truth in
his suggestion. In any case, the debate went on between advocates of
parliamentary involvement and those who inclined towards
non-parliamentary actions.
But I wonder if the mass of people, union members or not, didn’t
favour the idea that, to quote a later commentator, the American
entertainer, Richard “Lord” Buckley: “It makes no difference who is
in the driving seat, since whoever it is they’re bound to square up,
square being the shape of all driving seats”. Better to stick to
something tangible, such as a wage increase or a cut in hours, or as
was resolved by a short-lived downing of tools at a factory where I
once worked, an improvement in the ventilating system. Direct action
for a practical purpose. To be fair, I should point out that
Darlington quotes from a key syndicalist text,
The Miners, Next Step
(Noah Ablett was its main author): “The possession of power
inevitably leads to corruption. All leaders become corrupt, in spite
of their own good intentions”. Which raises the question of what
would have happened if the syndicalists had gained power?
The great strike upheaval continued into the early months of 1914,
but when war with Germany was declared in August it seemed as if a
wave of patriotism swept over almost everyone. Thousands of people
rushed to volunteer to fight for their country and against
fellow-workers in other countries. Those who spoke against the war
were vilified and sometimes physically attacked. It wouldn’t be
accurate to say that all militant union activity stopped until after
1918. There were problems in 1917 and 1918 in Scotland, especially
around so-called “Red Clydeside”, and the post-war years brought a
resurgence of agitation, especially in the mines, which culminated
in the 1926 General Strike and its failure. Syndicalism had largely
disappeared from the agenda by then, apart from in the minds of a
few individuals. The collapse of the Triple Alliance (railwaymen,
transport workers, miners) in 1921 probably demonstrated the
difficulties that arose when union solidarity came under pressure. I
suspect syndicalism may not have much relevance now, other than as
theory. And we all know what most people think about theories.
Labour Revolt in Britain 1910-14
is a much-needed book for those with an interest in what happened in
the years it refers to. Written in good, clear prose, it raises many
interesting questions regarding unions and their place in society.
It is impressively researched and has a substantial bibliography.
|