THE
ISLAMIC ENLIGHTENMENT
The modern struggle between faith and reason
Christopher de Bellaigue
Bodley Head
Napoleon invaded
1798 might be taken as a convenient date for the start of
recent Western colonialism in the
The first three chapters look at the history of the three
major cities. The next two,
Nation and Vortex,
widen out and take more of an overview, without losing, it is worth
stressing, any of the author’s marvellous attention to the
essential. If this review focuses mostly on the final chapter,
Counter-Enlightenment, it
is because it is there the strands all come together and the
convincing argument of the book, one that every serious person
should address, is expounded.
“Islamism as we
know it,” writes de Bellaigue, “is the harvesting of Islam for
political use and the manipulation of religious dogma in order to
create ideologies suitable for modern politics or revolutionary
activity outside the established political order and cutting across
national boundaries.” The man arguably most responsible for its
creation is Hassan
al-Banna. He was born in 1906 influenced in his political thinking
by Colonel Urabi, the nationalist leader whose rose from the
peasantry and led the rebellion which sparked the British invasion
of 1882 and occupation till 1922, and in 1928 established the Muslim
Brotherhood. Banna, who at the age of ten won a campaign for the
removal of a semi-naked statue from a Nile boat on the grounds of
its obscenity (perhaps a prophecy of the fatal combination of
Tartuffe-like over-sensitivity to display and determined, effective
gathering of support), was well-known among the poor for his
pragmatic assistance. When six labourers approached him complaining
of their disaffection with their situation and that of the nation,
it was the catalyst for the establishment of the most influential
Muslim organisation of modern times.
In 1936 Banna addressed a letter to King Farouk:
This is curiously reminiscent of the leftist slogan: “Better
to die on your feet than live on your knees.” Both miss what
Shakespeare says in Measure
for Measure: “The weariest and most loathed worldly life/ That
age, ache, penury and imprisonment/ Can lay on nature/ Is a paradise
to what we fear of death.” Presumably, delight in life can endure a
great deal. To put death on its pedestal, life needs to be
downgraded.
Great strides towards a Western form of economy and society
were made by Ataturk and Reza, with one lacuna: democracy. Ruthless
dictators, they exhibited in their private behaviour those excesses
and indulgences dictators can never resist. Somewhat like recent
Western politicians who have detached themselves from the people,
Ataturk and Reza left the people behind. They, the people, clung to
their comforting traditions and became the ground of reaction.
Ataturk and Reza were fascistic. Their essential contempt for the
people played a part in turning a proportion of their populations
against a compromise between so-called Western values and Islam.
There is a story that the wiggle of a border between
In 1948 The Muslim Brotherhood joined in the Arab campaign
against the creation of
His most influential book is
Milestones. He defends
freedom, by which he means doing what God dictates. People must not
decide. He is opposed to parliaments. Quite who is going to
implement God’s will and how, doesn’t seem to be clear, but as
always, those who claim to know God’s will are not hesitant in
arrogating to themselves the right to apply it. This was certainly
Qutb’s view of violence. “It would be naïve to assume,” he wrote,
“that a call to free the whole of humankind throughout the world may
be effected by preaching and exposition of the message alone.” His
ambition was hardly petty. Inevitably, like all those who are
convinced they possess the absolute truth and know what is best for
everyone, he was glib about the need for bloodshed.
Milestones was
published in 1964 and sold like bottled water in the desert. Two
years later Qutb was hanged. He went to his martyrdom proudly. The
authorities made a serious error: they created a martyr who remains
an example to today’s Islamists. As de Bellaigue says: “Victory
doesn’t go to the last man standing, but to him who dies best.”
Less intellectually and emotionally rigid than Qutb, Jalal
Al-e Ahmad, is another figure little known to many in the West but
whose influence needs to be taken seriously. Born in 1923 in
At the core of the Islamic or Islamist rejection or
scepticism towards the West, is the notion that material advance
entails spiritual impoverishment. This is hardly original. The
notion of alienation has been central to the left’s criticism of
capitalism for almost two centuries. The fault in the Islamic view,
as in a vulgar-left view, of course, is the lazy thinking which
assumes my enemy’s enemy is my friend. That the West has descended
into meringue culture is uncontroversial, but that violent
destruction and embracing a creed which rejects the equally
uncontroversial benefits of Enlightenment evidence-based thinking,
science, technology, artistic liberty, freedom of expression and
democracy is the sensible alternative, doesn’t bear consideration.
The sections of this book which deal with Islam’s ability to
think creatively, to recognize that dogmatic adherence is less
beneficial and exciting than a faith which doesn’t deny reality, are
heartening. Besir Fuat, son of an Ottoman civil servant, born in
1852 was a diligent reader of Voltaire and a great adherent of
science. The Egyptian newspaper
al-Muqtataf (The Digest)
published articles which accepted the essence of the theory of
evolution. Quasim Amin, a bureaucrat in the British administration
of
What the bulk of this book shows is that there is no
inevitable clash of civilizations, that Islam is not a religion of
violence, backwardness, bigotry and intolerance; that those who have
purloined it to justify a murderous rampage whose outcome could be
nothing but vicious dictatorship, are a small faction whose
antecedents are some of the least imaginative, most purblind members
of their faith; but what it shows too is that colonialism breeds
resistance and violence breeds violence.
In 1891 the British Major Talbot arrived in
Such is what can be achieved by leadership and discipline. It
is what a certain section of the Western left has always dreamed of
and been disappointed about. Meringue culture makes people flabby
and indulgent. The kind of acceptance of common standards and
impersonal values which permitted the tobacco campaign to succeed is
weak in capitalist democracies. People treat political decisions,
and therefore moral decisions, as a form of consumerism. In the
tobacco protest, people renounced consumption, gave up something
they enjoyed, for the sake of a higher principle. Capitalist
societies are too atomised for that. Qutb had a point, though it was
distorted by his angular imagination. Al-e Ahmad was right, to an
extent. Western capitalism is a very poor model if what you want is
a culture based on self-transcendence.
The struggle between faith and reason doesn’t need to end in
the obliteration of one or the other; but crucial to the avoidance
of disaster is the distinction between politics and religion. The
essential grievance of the Muslim countries against the West is that
its foreign policy has been brutal, exploitative, deceitful,
benighted, self-interested. The essential demand is
self-determination. The question is in the air: are the Bataclan,
Nice,
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