HOTBED : BOHEMIAN NEW YORK AND THE SECRET CLUB THAT SPARKED MODERN
FEMINISM
By Joanna Scutts
Duckworth. 405 pages. £20. ISBN 978-071-565474-3
Reviewed by Jim Burns
Things were happening in Greenwich Village around 1912. The area had
for some time been associated with artists, writers, and bohemians
attracted to it because of cheap rents and its location within New
York but with its own distinctive character. Publishers, magazines,
galleries, and other facilities were close by, and it was a good
place to mix with people who shared involvements and interests. By
1912 the village was home to numerous novelists, poets, and
painters, but also political radicals, social workers, and others
concerned to address the inequalities and injustices which seemed
endemic in a capitalist society.
It was those concerns which caused a group of women to meet at
Polly’s Restaurant, a well-known bohemian hang-out in Greenwich
Village, and decide to form a club. They had varied interests and
thrived on them, though they all agreed that women ought to have the
right to vote. They might differ on the methods to be used when
campaigning for the vote, but not the main aim. Heterodoxy, as it
was called, was “the easiest of clubs…..no duties or obligations”,
and it aimed to appeal to “women who did things, and did them
openly”. It wasn’t just a talking shop, where women could ease away
an afternoon. And while it may not have had any “duties or
obligations” it tended to appeal to activists of one sort or another
who didn’t need to be told to do something practical when a problem
arose.
Joanna Scutts says that there were twenty-five charter members of
Heterodoxy, “the majority…. college educated”, and some with degrees
“in law, medicine, and the social sciences”. The leading light in
the club was Marie Jenney Howe who was married to Frederic C. Howe,
“a well-connected liberal political activist”. In New York she was a
“suffrage leader for the area covering Greenwich Village”. Other
early members were Charlotte Perkins Gilman, probably now best known
for her novella, The Yellow
Wallpaper, Inez Mulholland, Crystal Eastman, Mary Heaton Vorse,
Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Rose Pastor Stokes, and Grace Nail Johnson,
“the only Black member of Heterodoxy”.
Along with the desire for women to have the vote the one idea
drawing the members of Heterodoxy together was feminism. Scurr says
that they “debated what ‘feminism’ meant many times over the years”,
and she doesn’t herself attempt to provide a compact definition. But
she does perhaps give a hint of what it may have meant to dedicated
Heterodites: “feminism was a broad and protean identity that often
began as a feeling of kinship with other unorthodox women”.
And she emphasises “how far outside the mainstream Heterodoxy
members felt……In their personal and professional lives, as well as
their political activism, they formed a tiny and tight-knit
minority”.
The reference to “political activism” indicates that more than a few
of the women engaged in direct political action. This was especially
true of Flynn, Vorse, and Stokes, all of them familiar sights on
picket lines and more than once in prison for supporting strikers.
Flynn was associated with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW),
the famed “Wobblies” who led major strikes in the mills of Lawrence,
Massachusetts (1912) and Paterson, New Jersey (1913). Vorse was a
veteran reporter on industrial disputes and related matters, and was
still active in the 1930s and beyond. As for Stokes, she invited
attention due to being a working-class woman who married a
millionaire she met while working in a New York settlement house.
She was a socialist initially but later became a founder-member in
1919 of the American Communist Party.
For a time, at least, the struggle of unions to establish and assert
themselves did seem to engage the attention of many Heterodoxy
members besides those already mentioned. The circumstances
surrounding the deaths of 146 workers, “most of them young Jewish
and Italian women in their late teens and early twenties”, in the
Triangle Waist Company fire of 1911 shocked people into action. It
wasn’t unusual to find well-to-do women attending strike meetings.
Scutts quotes an instance where one of them asked what she could do
to help, and was told that her appearance on the picket line would
be likely to moderate the normally-aggressive and often-violent
behaviour of the police. And the labour leader Rose Schneiderman
pointed out that, while middle-class women might agitate for the
right to work, “among the women of the real working class there was
not and never had been any question as to their right to work”. They
had to work long hours to make ends meet, and “the right to ‘stay
home a bit’ might be welcomed”.
A great many Greenwich Villagers, both male and female, came forward
to help in mounting the Paterson Pageant in 1913. Mabel Dodge, noted
for being wealthy and enjoying the favours of various lovers,
including John Reed, the radical journalist, claimed to have come up
with the original idea for the Pageant. It was designed to highlight
the IWW-led strike in Paterson and raise funds for the strikers.
Scutts says that “In the Village, the project became a collective
creative endeavour, with Inez Haynes Irwin, Henrietta Rodman, Rose
Pastor Stokes, and especially Mabel Dodge whipping up support,
painting scenery, and publicising the pageant across the city”.
Scutts points out that the “idea of shipping in more than a thousand
impoverished factory workers to re-enact their suffering at the
direction of a crew of Harvard-educated amateur dramatists, for an
audience of well-heeled New Yorkers”, would likely raise eyebrows
today, but it seemed useful at the time. For the record, the pageant
wasn’t a great success. It didn’t raise anything of consequence for
the strike fund, nor did it affect the eventual outcome of the
strike. It may have caused a stir in Greenwich Village, but probably
did little elsewhere.
Susan Glaspell, known for her links to the Provincetown Players, was
in attendance when the pageant was staged, and it’s of relevance to
note that Heterodoxy members like Neith Boyce and Edna Kenton were
involved in both the writing and production of Provincetown plays.
And the plays that the group staged often featured themes that
related to a Heterodoxy context. Boyce’s “Constancy” looked at “how
to achieve intimacy within a relationship without sacrificing
independence”, and Glaspell’s “Suppressed Desires”, written with
‘Jig’ Cook, though designed as a spoof on the new-found enthusiasm
in Greenwich Village for Freud and psychoanalysis, did also point to
the “conflict…..between bourgeois convention and individual
freedom”. This conflict
affected both men and women – Floyd Dell touched on it in his work –
but was particularly experienced by women because the conventions
that applied to their beliefs and behaviour brought about a greater
degree of condemnation when they were challenged.
While concerns about workers’ rights occupied some women’s attention
the struggle to achieve the right to vote continued to be of key
importance. Not all suffragists, or suffragettes as more militant
suffrage seekers were called, necessarily agreed with the
politically radical activists. After all, it was perfectly logical
to be in favour of a woman’s right to vote but also be conservative
in other matters. Not everyone saw that improving working conditions
for women might be tied in with suffrage. There was also the
question of birth control information and matters such as abortion
which aroused strong reactions in some quarters and were affected by
religious beliefs.
America did not enter the First World War until 1917, but the build
up to entry, and the feelings of patriotism that were heightened
when the Lusitania was sunk by a German submarine, brought about
divisions in the broad movement campaigning for the vote. Moderates
who, once war preparations began played down their demands, were
opposed by radicals who campaigned against American involvement in a
European War – “I Didn’t Raise My Boy to be a Soldier” was their
theme song – and continued to push for electoral reform with direct
action methods that could and did lead some of them to imprisonment.
Once America was in the war the Government began to crack down on
all forms of disagreement with its policies. It was a campaign
against radicals that continued even when the war ended. Hundreds of
Wobblies were arrested and the leading lights in the union put on
trial and sentenced to long terms in prison. The grand old man of
American socialism, Eugene Victor Debs, was imprisoned for making a
speech opposing conscription. An old law, “The Espionage Act, a
Revolutionary-era piece of legislation that suppressed dissent”, was
revived and used to harass
Four Lights magazine, “largely a Heterodoxy production intended
to ‘voice the young, uncompromising women’s peace movement’ as
embodied in the New York branch of the Women’s Peace Party”.
The left-wing publication,
The Masses, was closed down by the authorities and its editors
brought to court. Scutts points to the fact that it “owed a great
deal to the labour and vision of Heterodoxy women, who were editors
and contributors”, and she names Elsie Clews Parsons, Helen Hull,
Alice Duer Miller, Margaret Widdener, and Mabel Dodge as among them.
Interestingly, only one woman, Josephine Bell, was identified in the
indictment against The Masses,
and she was simply a recent contributor to the magazine. The case
against her was dismissed by the Judge before the trial began. It
might give an idea of the hysteria at the time when Scutts recounts
how the one juror who voted against the conviction of Max Eastman,
Floyd Dell, and John Reed was dragged into the street by some of the
other eleven jurors and assaulted. This was the period of the Red
Scare when people were persuaded that radicals were out to destroy
American ideals.
Several American states had
already given women voting rights and New York fell into line in
1917, with national legislation following in 1920. Scutts makes the
observation that “In the wake of the suffrage victory in 1920, the
fragile unity among the different forces fighting for women’s rights
splintered…..Ideological differences that had been laid aside for
the sake of the vote now opened up like cracks in the pavement”.
Scutts also refers to “the brewing conservative, women-led backlash
against progressive feminism – a backlash as influential, in its
insidious way, as the brute-force external crackdown of the Red
Scare”.
According to Scutts, “Heterodoxy in the1920s continued to offer a
haven for radicals, artists, oddballs, dreamers, and ‘resistants’ in
a far-reaching sense”, but she notes that though “the women of
Heterodoxy continued to play a part in New York City’s cultural and
intellectual life…..the dissolution of the Village as a radical
epicentre affected their ability to influence larger conversations”.
Other institutions began to become prominent, and Scutts
cites the Algonquin Round Table as an example, and says that some
women, such as Ruth Hale and Alice Duer Miller, both associated with
Heterodoxy, also frequented the Algonquin.
Hotbed
is a thoroughly fascinating book and packed with so much information
that I’ve only managed to give a broad outline of its range. Joanna
Scutts could perhaps have written a book that focused primarily on
the suffrage aspect of Heterodoxy aims. But by showing how its
members, especially those like Mary Heaton Vorse, Elizabeth Gurley
Flynn, Crystal Eastman, and Rose Pastor Stokes, were often deeply
involved with questions of workers’ rights, campaigning for
peace, and wider political matters, she has set them in context. The
United States was still a developing country in the first two or
three decades of the twentieth century, and trying to resolve, often
with difficulty, its internal problems. Heterodoxy frequently played
a key role in highlighting what needed to be done. The notes in the
book are evidence of thorough research, and there is a lengthy
bibliography.
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